男女羞羞视频在线观看,国产精品黄色免费,麻豆91在线视频,美女被羞羞免费软件下载,国产的一级片,亚洲熟色妇,天天操夜夜摸,一区二区三区在线电影
USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

Moon promises change in ROK diplomacy

By Yue Li | China Daily | Updated: 2017-05-19 07:18

Moon promises change in ROK diplomacy

Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party speaks during a celebration event in Seoul, South Korea, on May 9, 2017. [Photo/Xinhua]

Newly elected Republic of Korea President Moon Jae-in faces tough choices on regional security, and political and economic reform. In a phone conversation with Moon one day after his victory, President Xi Jinping emphasized the need for both countries to respect each other's major concerns and interests, as well as maintain a healthy, stable bilateral relationship.

On the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system in the ROK, which has hurt bilateral ties, Moon said his government will "proactively" communicate with China while striving to resolve the issue. In fact, the Moon administration has already called for a parliamentary hearing on the deployment of THAAD on ROK soil.

Moon also sent a delegation to the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, which met with Xi on the sidelines of the forum.

Expectations that the Moon administration will adhere to a more balanced diplomacy are high, even though the security dilemma the ROK faces leaves it little choice but to stick to the ROK-US military alliance, which was formed because the United States essentially took over the responsibility of the ROK's national security after the Korean War (1950-53).

Owing to the lack of an independent and comprehensive defense strategy, Seoul may have to stay under Washington's security umbrella, even if it means becoming a part of the US' "rebalancing to Asia" strategy. It also explains why on many occasions Seoul has spoken of Beijing's intervention and Pyongyang's "self-restraint" in the hope that that would help minimize, if not end, the "nuclear threat" from the DPRK.

On the domestic front, the need to promote reforms and restore public trust in political institutions after the impeachment and ouster of former president Park Geun-hye, too, should be taken seriously by Moon. Complaints have often been heard in the ROK about the long absence of efficient communication between the leadership and citizens.

On his campaign trail, Moon promised a less-centralized governing style. His decision to move out of the official presidential residence, or the Blue House, in downtown Seoul where every modern-day ROK president has lived and worked, should be seen as a good sign by those waiting for a change.

To regain public trust he needs to heed the lessons from the scandals the Park administration was involved in, from her seven-hour silence after the sinking of the passenger ferry Sewol in 2014 to the 2015 agreement between the ROK and Japan on settling their differences over Korean "comfort women" (women and girls forced in sexual slavery by the Japanese army before and during World War II).

Reviving an economy mired in rising household debt, high youth unemployment and waning conglomerate-led growth is another daunting task for Moon. Last year saw the dramatic collapse of the ROK's largest shipping company, Hanjin Shipping Co, and Samsung Electronics Co's decision to stop the production, sales and replacement of its "exploding" fire-prone Galaxy Note 7 smartphones. This year, there is a risk that employees of Hyundai Motor Co, the country's largest automaker, could go on a strike. And these developments have prompted the International Monetary Fund to forecast the ROK's growth rate at just 2.7 percent, barely half of the average rate for the Asia-Pacific region.

The veteran politician and former lawyer may have to resort to political reshuffling to make sure his Democratic Party has an overwhelming majority in the national assembly. And the fact that he vowed to reorganize the presidential office after appointing senior secretaries to his office suggests he is moving in that direction.

On the DPRK nuclear issue and the installation of THAAD, the Moon administration would be wise to seek talks with all parties concerned to properly resolve the issues. In this regard, Moon should be lauded for his consideration to send special envoys to Beijing. All these indicate changes can be expected, especially because Moon seems inclined to play a more active diplomatic role in engaging with Pyongyang.

The author is a senior researcher at the Pangoal Institution.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 泸溪县| 吉林省| 南华县| 鹤庆县| 庆云县| 温宿县| 高要市| 冀州市| 台北市| 涟水县| 武冈市| 英超| 万年县| 河源市| 理塘县| 黄山市| 临桂县| 任丘市| 石景山区| 中阳县| 开远市| 射阳县| 龙陵县| 元氏县| 万载县| 蓬安县| 历史| 隆德县| 太仆寺旗| 封丘县| 金湖县| 五大连池市| 兴仁县| 德阳市| 大丰市| 湘阴县| 凌源市| 乡城县| 湘潭县| 招远市| 武宁县| 通城县| 墨玉县| 理塘县| 类乌齐县| 丰宁| 库车县| 镶黄旗| 乳源| 高台县| 丹寨县| 关岭| 平果县| 长春市| 年辖:市辖区| 周口市| 五河县| 安宁市| 新竹县| 潮安县| 怀化市| 无棣县| 华亭县| 峨眉山市| 彰化市| 汉寿县| 湖南省| 河源市| 秦安县| 夏邑县| 深水埗区| 恭城| 黎城县| 兴化市| 施甸县| 通榆县| 东兰县| 临武县| 泰州市| 土默特左旗| 商都县| 壶关县|